Ghana NGO Sector

Introduction

As early as its pre-colonial era, civil society in Ghana has been a key actor in shaping, as well as being shaped by, the country’s political developments. After independence in 1957, the government created economic and social reconstruction development plans and also charged local development committees and the emerging nonprofit sector to provide education, health and social services to the country’s citizens. During the period of political and economic instability that followed independence, citizens were dependent on humanitarian aid and emergency services provided by churches and charities (Atingdui 1995: 11-12). By the early 1980s, the country’s subsequent reorganization of the public and private sectors directly affected religious and church-related organizations, requiring them to reapply for registration with the government (Atingdui 1995: 12). Despite the government’s move to exert more control over NGOs, local groups continued to grow and expand unabated. A sharp increase in international development assistance to Ghana occurred between 1989 and 1990, with a significant amount of funds going to the nonprofit sector (World Bank, World Tables). The 1990s saw an exponential growth in the non-profit sector and non-governmental organizations in Ghana, both in the number of groups and their range of activities. By the mid 1990s, the number of registered nonprofit organizations grew to over 700 (Atingdui 1995: 15). Today, the sector encompasses thousands of organizations of all sizes and types. Nonprofit organizations in Ghana are defined as “civil society organizations that are formed independently of the State but register voluntarily under specified laws in order to gain official recognition to pursue purposes that are not self-serving but oriented towards public benefit.” (NGC National Draft Policy). As Ghana moves into the 21st century, civil society in the country is a sector that is still growing and defining itself.

Historical Background

From the mid-1980s to the end of the 1990s, government policies and laws towards NGOs lacked a standard or coherent framework. This period of disagreement between NGOs and government was characterized by concerns on both sides. Government was concerned about unregistered NGOs, allegations of fraudulent practices and violations of nonprofit rules by some NGOs, not consulting district and regional planning authorities before starting projects, and a general lack of reports and information from NGOs on their operations. NGOs were concerned that government attitudes and actions threatened their status, autonomy, and right to participate. They charged that government did not consult NGOs before putting policies into place that might have affected their operations. They stated that government did not keep adequate records of NGO reports. NGOs also alleged government overlooked their need for financial support.

It was in this atmosphere that the NGO Draft Bill of 1993 was rejected. NGOs felt the existing Companies Code/Act 179 was sufficient to regulate them. They also objected to sections in the Bill which they believed violated their constitutional rights. NGOs campaigned against the NGO Draft Bill in 1995 and it was never enacted into law. (Draft National Policy for Strategic Partnership with NGOs: 19-20).

Although there was no official legal framework in place, NGOs still operated among themselves and with government Ministries, Departments and Agencies (MDAs). In February 1999, the Ministry of Employment and Social Welfare (MESW), as it was known then , circulated the “Ghana National Policy on Non-Governmental Organizations” and invited NGOs to discuss a broad range of issues. The NGOs and the MESW agreed to form a joint working committee to discuss the document. In April 1999, at the “Beyond Aid: Strategies for Sustainable Support of Community Development,” held in Accra, representatives from NGOs resolved to hold consultations on the issue of a national NGO policy and make recommendations (Comprehensive Policy Framework for the Non-Profit Sector in Ghana. Draft Discussion Document, 2000: 5). The years 1999-2000 thus saw a renewed cooperation between government and NGOs. A National Consultative Group (NCG) made up of national, regional, sector networks and umbrella organizations along with government representatives worked in a joint consultation process. The Ghana Association of Private Voluntary Organizations in Development (GAPVOD) Secretariat was chosen as the operational coordinator (IDEG Framework Draft Document, 2000: 6). In August 2000, NGC organized a series of workshops across 10 regions with broad representation of NGOs and government representatives, who made suggestions and recommendations.

Civil Society in Ghana

Size and Scope

Ghana’s nonprofit sector exhibits a great depth and breadth in the amount and types of groups actively working, making official numbers difficult to quantify. In 2004, Kojo Amoakwe, Chief Director of the Ministry of Manpower, Development and Employment, told the BBC that there were as many as 3,000 non-governmental organizations in the country. Additionally, the sector is currently working with government, and especially the ministry responsible for NGOs, the Ministry of Manpower, Development and Employment, to build a national policy delineating self-regulation and code of conduct for groups working within the sector. Part of the working document is a proposal to form the National Commission of NGOs (NCNGO). When these laws and regulations are in place, the country may establish procedures and policies for collecting and disseminating information on exact numbers of nonprofit organizations working in Ghana.

Until a definitive reported number exists, there are contrasting statistics from government, national, international, and independent sources. In its 2003 revised edition of the Directory of African NGOs, the Office of the Special Coordinator for Africa and the Least Developed Countries (OSCAL), listed detailed information for 81 NGOs in Ghana, with additional contact information on hundreds of other groups . WANGO’s own directory, for example, currently lists 271 organizations . The Directory of Development Organizations (2007), published by an independent nonprofit company, lists 553 development organizations and international aid agencies operating in Ghana .

Types and classification of organizations in the nonprofit sector

Civil society in Ghana is a diverse body which includes a wide variety of indigenous grassroots organizations, community-based organizations, religious organizations, local unions, women’s associations, and village associations. They are generally classified as follows: traditional associations, community-based organizations (CBO), religious, church-related or charitable institutions, voluntary organizations (VOLU), private voluntary organizations (PVO), and non-governmental organizations (NGO) (Atingdui, 1995). An attempt to classify nonprofit organizations was made at a 1990 conference in Accra, placing groups into the following categories: local grassroots organizations without external affiliations; national organizations without external affiliations; international organizations operating locally; and national affiliates of international organizations (Atingdui, 1995). In the early discussion of the national policy for NGOs, the Sector Ministry classified NGOs and civil society organizations as:

• Foundations
• Community development
• Health
• Animal/environment
• Employment and job training
• Education/Research
• Social Services
• Arts/Culture
• Human Rights and Criminal Justice
• Advocacy/Legal Services and
• International

A further classification determined by a National Advisory Group working with CIVICUS, World Alliance for Citizen Participation, created a list of eighteen separate types of civil society organizations (CSO) in Ghana ranging across social, cultural and economic categories. Within these categories were three main tiers of civil society and their levels of influence, with the most influential being the trade union congresses, international NGOs, and the major political parties (New Patriotic Party and National Democratic Congress). The report identified faith-based organizations (Christian and Muslim), professional bodies, local NGOs and CBOs in the second tier, with women’s groups and consumer groups exerting the least influence (CIVICUS report: 26-27). Generally, the nonprofit sector encompassing NGOs and CSOs/CBOs group Ghanaian civil society into three types: traditional, religious, and modern (Atingdui 3-7).

Traditional Groups

Traditional associations and community-based organizations are grounded in Ghanaian society and culture, reflecting the nation’s traditions, cultures and social structures. They include self-help groups, village associations, and mutual aid societies . They are typically membership-based and rarely formally registered. These community-based organizations emerged from village or town committees and maintain local institutions. Their operations are limited to specific geographical areas or ethnic groups, and cover a wide range of activities, including but not limited to water and sanitation projects, health care, and agriculture. They are likely to play an increased role in the social and economic development of Ghana. (Atingui 5).

Religious Organizations

Many of the charitable groups that fall within this type are affiliated with two major religions, Christianity and Islam. This follows from the country’s history of Christian missionary societies and later, other church-related organizations, which had an impact on education and skills development. Islamic organizations, which are found mostly in the northern part of the country, provide similar, but fewer, services to that of the Christian groups. (This is due mainly because these Islamic groups tend to be politicized and fragmented). (Atingui 6). Many of the church-related groups are classified as charitable organizations, providing special assistance and immediate emergency relief after natural disasters, or to refugees, orphans, the elderly and disabled.

Private Voluntary and Non-governmental Organizations

These two terms have been used interchangeably in Ghana since the early 1980s. They include local and nonprofit organizations who provide development assistance, emergency relief, and social and health services. (Anang 1994).

The term voluntary organization (VOLU) originated in the 1970s and evolved throughout the 1980s as a result of the work of foreign relief agencies and student volunteers working in community development projects. Their great number and variety, however, makes classification difficult. (Atingdui 1995: 7).

In 1981, the Christian Council of Ghana, a coalition of fourteen Protestant churches, formed the umbrella organization Ghana Association of Private Voluntary Organizations in Development (GAPVOD). Today, GAPVOD is the largest umbrella organization in Ghana. It has over 400 members including national and international NGOs, local agencies, and community-based organizations across Ghana. GAPVOD has played an active and prominent role in the efforts of the nonprofit sector and government to build a national policy for NGOs. Regional networks such as the Brong Ahafo NGOs (BANGO) also act as organizing consortium for the sector.

Civil Society Organizations (CSOs)

The CIVICUS Civil Society Index (CSI), a worldwide study conducted by CIVICUS to assess the characteristics, roles, and impact of civil society, was undertaken in Ghana to collect information from a variety of stakeholders, including governments, academics and the community at large . The study found Ghanaian society characterized by widespread citizen participation at the community level. According to the CSI, 51 percent of the respondents are members of civil society organizations (CSOs) and 80 percent had participated in community activities or meetings. In addition, 57 percent of respondents did volunteer work during the year preceding the survey. Most CSOs in Ghana are urban-based, operating in the main cities where technological and financial resources are most likely to be available; however, those resources remain inadequate.

In terms of the legal environment, the survey reported that respondents found “the registration process for CSOs…undermined by inconsistencies that make the whole process cumbersome, time-consuming and drain the already limited financial resources of most organizations.” At a CSI national workshop held in April 2006 in Accra, attended by more than 140 participants from civil society, government, academia, business, the donor community and media, it was recommended that registration and reporting procedures be clarified, making the registration process simpler and decentralized. NGO/CSO Registration in Ghana is governed by the Companies Code Act 179 (1963), the Trustees Incorporation/Amendment Law (1962/63), the Constitution of the Republic of Ghana (1992) and Cabinet directives (CIVICUS 2006: 54). Respondents to the CSI Survey believed that the registration service was not simple or inexpensive. The importance of registration issues is a main point of the National NGO Policy (Civicus: Ibid).

Foreign aid and NGO operations in Ghana

Funding from overseas is a key factor that impacts and influences NGOs and their operations. The NGO sector, like Ghana itself, is heavily dependent on foreign aid. In 1998, development assistance amounted to nearly 10 percent of its GNP. (Porter 131-32). As major recipients for donor investment, NGOs provide emergency relief and engage in capacity building, however, they also directly contribute to social policy development in Ghana. (Aryeetey and Goldstein). The amount of aid channeled through NGOs is not easily quantifiable but the Red Cross estimates that NGOs also disburse large amounts of money, perhaps even more than the World Bank. As noted by Fowler, during the 1980s, funding to NGOs grew at five times the rate the official development funding. (Mohan 4).

The majority of foreign NGOs in Ghana operate in the North. This is a result of colonial underdevelopment, and in contrast to the center and southern areas, there is a lack of a major export base. (Mohan 13-20). A key element is the relationship between indigenous or Southern NGOs (SNGOs) and external, often Northern-based or international NGOs (NNGOs; INGOs). This inter-NGO relationship, a local-global collaboration, creates the perception of a civil society that is internationally networked, but in reality, reflects a “major line of tension.” NNGO’s reliance on funding breeds a conservative outlook and a reluctance to allow local NGOs freedom to administer their programs because so many SNGOs lack capacity and transparency, a suggestion which SNGOs then react against. As donors seek reliable and successful NGOs in which to sink foreign capital, civil society trends towards “niched NGOs” or just a few large organizations. (Mohan 14).

There is a risk that the official aid channeled through these NGOs compromises their autonomy and affects their ability to carry out successful programs. Partnerships between NGOs and their donors refocuses NGO efforts towards satisfying donor demands (Porter 136-37). Decentralization has impacted these circumstances and encourage participation by the target communities receiving aid. Porter notes two relevant types of decentralization that impact NGOs: the establishment of local offices by INGOs, and state administrative decentralization. The latter is promoted by the World Bank as a means for good governance, a way in which local districts can work in partnership with NGOs and community-based organizations. But there is evidence that donor-supported decentralization to the 110 administrative districts is creating a tier of local NGOs whose principal aim is job- and wealth-creation for the entrepreneurs who establish them. The result has been misappropriation of funds under decentralization. (Porter 138).

Transparency and Good Governance

Public and press reports highlight government’s allegations of corruption in Ghana’s third sector. In 2003, Director of Ministry of Manpower Development and Employment Amoakwe said that NGOs were directing eighty percent of aid towards administrative costs such as operational expenses and salaries, and only twenty percent towards programs. He also stated only a fraction of the country’s 3,000 NGOs had submitted the annual reports and statements of accounts required by law. NGOs not in compliance faced blacklisting. (BBC News, 25 February; South African Institute of International Affairs, April 2004). While these allegations reflect the tensions between government and civil society organizations, there have been instances of graft and corruption. Mohan observed evidence of NGOs being used as patronage structures and political vehicles. As Mohan notes,

“More insidious is the use of NGOs as vehicles for personal and party political gain by local officers. This is achieved through various mechanisms — petty corruption, largesse, interlocking political affiliations, and ‘status’ —and, as we have seen, the less obvious ways in which indigenous NGOs defend local culture in the face of ‘outsider’ intervention. In effect, some NGOs become fiefdoms for local élites to further their material and political status.” (Mohan 2005: 18).

Field research by Mohan looked at two SNGOs which he termed “A” and “B” to preserve confidentiality. He found that the Director of ‘A’ is a District Assembly Member and the NGO is seen as “indivisible” from the former ruling party. The Director of ‘B’ was placed under investigation by the National Bureau of Investigation for writing checks without accounting for the funds’ destination. The NGO’s operations were suspended pending the outcome of the inquiry. (Mohan 18).

To combat corruption and to promote transparency and accountability, the suggestion of freedom of information (FOI) laws is slowly gaining currency. A survey by freedominfo.org notes in 2006 that none of the 38 poorest countries classified by the World Bank as Highly Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) had an FOI law. In February 2003, Ghana and its donors agreed to enact a freedom of information law as part of its Ghana Poverty Reduction Strategy (World Bank 2003). A goal of adopting an FOI law was set for 2004, but passage of a bill into law has lagged.

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