Difference between revisions of "Peace NGO Sector"

From NGO Handbook
(Research and Policy-Oriented NGOs)
(Peace and Conflict Resolution NGOs and the United Nations)
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==Peace and Conflict Resolution NGOs and the United Nations==
 
==Peace and Conflict Resolution NGOs and the United Nations==
  
With NGOs now holding consultative status at the United Nations, “many of these agencies are now officially participating in United Nations conferences as well as organizing their own shadow conferences…increas[ing] the lobbying and policy leverage of these organizations considerably”(Fitzduff, 6).  
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With NGOs now holding consultative status at the United Nations, “many of these agencies are now officially participating in United Nations conferences as well as organizing their own shadow conferences…increas[ing] the lobbying and policy leverage of these organizations considerably” (Fitzduff, 6).  
  
 
The Panel of Eminent Persons on Civil Society and UN Relationships, a panel commissioned by Kofi Annan produced a report (commonly referred to as the Cardoso report) in 2004 which explored the current and future status of NGOs at the UN.  Its findings were controversial in the NGO community, raising concerns that “the UN’s increasingly active interaction with business companies may crowd out its relationship with NGOs,” among other questions of access for NGOs at UN functions.           
 
The Panel of Eminent Persons on Civil Society and UN Relationships, a panel commissioned by Kofi Annan produced a report (commonly referred to as the Cardoso report) in 2004 which explored the current and future status of NGOs at the UN.  Its findings were controversial in the NGO community, raising concerns that “the UN’s increasingly active interaction with business companies may crowd out its relationship with NGOs,” among other questions of access for NGOs at UN functions.           
  
As the Cardoso report pointed out, the level of NGO- UN interaction has increased greatly over the last several years. In his article “Lessons from Campaigns of the 1990s,” the scholar Don Hubert argues that the 1990s saw significant NGO and UN coalition building and coordination in four major campaigns – to ban landmine use, the use of child soldiers, the movement to create the International Criminal Court (ICC), and the reduction of small arms use.  The success of these campaigns was based on the building of coalitions between NGO networks and governments amenable to the causes, as well as being “further legitimized by the active support of various bodies of the United Nations (UN)” (Hubert, 561).  Further, he says that the child soldier and small arms campaigns were less successful because of a less-inclusive environment - “the objectives have been defined by states, negotiations have taken place in closed-door sessions, and direct NGO involvement has been minimal”(Hubert, 562).   
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As the Cardoso report pointed out, the level of NGO UN interaction has increased greatly over the last several years. In his article “Lessons from Campaigns of the 1990s,” the scholar Don Hubert argues that the 1990s saw significant NGO and UN coalition building and coordination in four major campaigns – to ban landmine use, the use of child soldiers, the movement to create the International Criminal Court (ICC), and the reduction of small arms use.  The success of these campaigns was based on the building of coalitions between NGO networks and governments amenable to the causes, as well as being “further legitimized by the active support of various bodies of the United Nations (UN)” (Hubert, 561).  Further, he says that the child soldier and small arms campaigns were less successful because of a less-inclusive environment - “the objectives have been defined by states, negotiations have taken place in closed-door sessions, and direct NGO involvement has been minimal”(Hubert, 562).   
  
 
John Clark argues in the same volume that the “breakthrough came as a result of an ad hoc global policy network of NGOs and governments…that took the issue outside UN forums, and only brought it back to the UN once sufficient support for the treaty had been achieved.  For the UN to be fully relevant in the future, it must become able to service such iterative and informal processes directly” (Clark, 62).
 
John Clark argues in the same volume that the “breakthrough came as a result of an ad hoc global policy network of NGOs and governments…that took the issue outside UN forums, and only brought it back to the UN once sufficient support for the treaty had been achieved.  For the UN to be fully relevant in the future, it must become able to service such iterative and informal processes directly” (Clark, 62).
  
There has also been an increased awareness of the importance of coordinating with NGOs in UN peacekeeping operations.  In one report on the UN peacekeeping operation in Somali (UNOSOM) during 1992-1995, it was concluded that “from the experience of UNOSOM…the activities of NGOs go a long way to help or hinder a peacekeeping operation,”  citing coordinated efforts between humanitarian efforts of the UN and NGOs meeting weekly to discuss efforts.  It was not an entirely harmonious relationship, as “the agencies wanted to retain a certain amount of independence, on the grounds that political objectives might sometimes conflict with humanitarian ones…they had priorities … on how to spend their money, and they preferred not to be used -- or to be perceived as being used -- for political purposes.”  NGO-UN peacekeeping operation coordination was also seen as important during the transition of East Timor into an independent country, where “local NGOs in East Timor have been pivotal when U.N. troops need to communicate with the people in the war-ravaged communities.”  
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There has also been an increased awareness of the importance of coordinating with NGOs in UN peacekeeping operations.  In one report on the UN peacekeeping operation in Somali (UNOSOM) during 1992-1995, it was concluded that “from the experience of UNOSOM…the activities of NGOs go a long way to help or hinder a peacekeeping operation,”  citing coordinated efforts between humanitarian efforts of the UN and NGOs meeting weekly to discuss efforts.  It was not an entirely harmonious relationship, as “the agencies wanted to retain a certain amount of independence, on the grounds that political objectives might sometimes conflict with humanitarian ones…they had priorities … on how to spend their money, and they preferred not to be used -- or to be perceived as being used -- for political purposes.”  NGO UN peacekeeping operation coordination was also seen as important during the transition of East Timor into an independent country, where “local NGOs in East Timor have been pivotal when U.N. troops need to communicate with the people in the war-ravaged communities.”
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==Issues==
 
==Issues==
 
    
 
    

Revision as of 11:08, 5 August 2008

Introduction

Peace and conflict resolution NGOs are non-governmental organizations which work in areas “relating to the reduction and elimination of destructive conflict,” or in another definition “promote peace, reconciliation, and coexistence” (Gidron, 3). Organizations under this broad category use a variety of approaches and methodologies to work on international, intra-state, or local conflicts.

Like the larger NGO world, organizations working on peace and conflict resolution issues are a heterogeneous group, varying widely in size, approach, and commitments. Peace and conflict resolution NGOs often draw upon common activist strategies–-ranging from petitions, letter writing, direct action and civil disobedience to diplomatic talks, treaties, and policy recommendations, as well as education, media coverage, and raising awareness in the general public--to further their work. Many organizations use a combination of these methods.


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